Greece and Turkey: From worst of enemies to good neighbours.

[Bernard Woolley]

Greece and Turkey: From worst of enemies to good neighbours.

Greco-Turkish relations in the run up to war.


Introduction.
Historically relations between Greece and Turkey have been poor. In the past Greece has been occupied by the Ottoman Turks, and more recently modern Turkey was formed during a war with Greece.
However, there have been times during the Twentieth Century when it looked as if relations might improve. For example, Greek Prime Minister Venizelos nominated Kemal Atatürk for the Nobel Peace Prize in 1934, and Turkey was the first country to send humanitarian aid to Greece to relieve the 1941 Athens famine. Despite these promising developments the very public disputes over the islands in the Aegean and Cyprus prevented many other issues from being resolved. Fortunately, the ultimate nightmare of NATO, an all-out war between two of its members was avoided, though in the case of the Turkish invasion of 1974, only narrowly.

For NATO this potential instability on its southeastern flank, where Greece and Turkey were in essence preparing to fight each other than defend against the Soviet Union and her Warsaw Pact allies was a great worry. For example, technically all Greek and Turkish forces in Thrace should have come under command of Commander, Allied Land Forces, South-eastern Europe. However, COMLANDSOUTHEAST was a Turkish officer, which meant that the Greeks would not place their forces under this command. They would also not even send liaison officers to HQLANDSOUTHEAST.
Clearly co-ordinating defence of Thrace was going to be very difficult if the two main defenders would not speak to each other. Something clearly had to be done.


Command reorganisation – NATO steps in.
In 1994 the rest of NATO finally lost patience with ‘the children’, as some were wont to call the Greeks and Turks. If they could not be trusted to work together like adults, then they would need proper supervision by grown-ups.
CINCSOUTH, based in Naples, was clearly too far away to provide this supervision. Instead, a new command, subordinate to CINCSOUTH, but superior to the local commands needed to be formed. The new command, Allied Forces Southeast, would cover Thrace, the Aegean and Western Turkey. The holder of the post, Commander, Allied Forces Southeast, would be held by either a British, French, Italian, or Spanish officer on rotation. The Greeks and Turks were invited to send liaison officers to the new H.Q, but as a deliberate policy no Greek or Turkish officer would hold a command position in the new organisation.

The formation of AFSOUTHEAST, at least as it was originally formed, was something of a slap in the face for Greece and Turkey. The rest of NATO had effectively told them that they were not to be trusted.
This revelation led to some serious soul searching in both Athens and Ankara. Their dispute was clearly beginning to have serious consequences. Of course, there were some who wanted to ‘throw the baby out with the bathwater’ and leave NATO, but there were those who had clearer heads who realised that in that case they would be left to face the Soviet Union on their own.

Privately the United States told both countries separately that if they did leave NATO, US forces assigned to Greece and Turkey in the event of war would be sent elsewhere. The Americans also hinted that in the event of war they would use an Atomic Demolition Munition to seal the Bosphorous, or at the very least block it with conventional mines. If both countries were to defend themselves, and regain the confidence of their allies, and incidentally the suppliers of much of their military equipment, they would have to learn to live together.
The first noticeable change came during NATO exercises in the Aegean when both the Turkish and Greek navies and air forces contributed, working alongside each other for the first time. Both countries also opened discrete talks over both the issue of the Aegean islands and Cyprus at this time.

Pleased by this progress NATO offered a carrot to offset the stick that had been used to bring the two countries into line. As part of the strengthening of the army being carried out by the new government in Britain, the 5th Airborne Brigade had been given a role in the defence of Norway, while the UK Mobile Force, assigned to the defence of Jutland was also strengthened. This meant that the multi-national Allied Mobile Force (Land) could definitively be assigned to AFSOUTHEAST. This signalled that the rest of the alliance was committed to the defence of Greece and Turkey.


Final pieces – the American security guarantee.
In 1998 both Greece and Turkey agreed to both the phased demilitarisation of the Aegean islands, and a gradual draw down of Turkish and Greek military forces on Cyprus. Both countries also pledged to support moves towards a lose federation on Cyprus that would hopefully resolve many of the problems on that island.

As part of this agreement, and to allay fear by some on both sides, the United States gave an extra security guarantee (over and above the existing NATO Treaty) to both nations in the event that the other attacked them. To facilitate this in peacetime the United States would pre-position the equipment for a heavy division on Greek soil; it was generally assumed that the task of using this equipment would fall to the 24th Infantry Division (Mechanised). On the Turkish side equipment for two heavy brigades would be stored in Western Turkey, while the equipment for a third brigade would be kept afloat aboard ships that would be stationed in Cyprus. When war broke out this equipment was used by three American separate brigades, the 177th and 194th Armored Brigades and the 197th Infantry Brigade (Mechanised) (Separate).

At this point the Turks noticed that they might have an opportunity to strengthen their army largely at American expense. They hinted that they might object to the security guarantee given to Greece and pointed out that it was planned to station weaker forces on Turkish soil. Of course, if the Americans help to fund a modernisation of Turkish land forces, specifically their tank fleet, well they would not have any objections. The Americans could smell a set up, but they could also smell benefit for their defence industry, after all it was no secret that the Turks had a growing relationship with the Israelis.

The Turkish MBT fleet just before the turn of the century was a rather mixed bunch. The most modern tanks were American built M60A3 TTS and West German Leopard 1A3T1. These tanks were still a match for most of the tanks that the tanks that the Romanians, or Bulgarians might field, and would even hold their own against T-72s. However, the more modern T-80s and T-90s would outclass them.
The Turks were most interested in the West German Leopard 2, having had a very positive experience with the Leopard 1, however they also knew that they would not be able to afford to replace their entire tank fleet with the expensive Leopard 2. There was also the problem that Krauss-Maffei was reaching the point where it would not have the spare capacity to produce enough tanks to meet Turkish needs. However, there did seem to be a solution to at least part of their problem. The manufacturer of the M1 Abrams, General Dynamics, offered an M60 upgrade called the 120S. This involved fitting a turret from an M1A1, complete with 120mm gun and fire control equipment, to the hull of an M60, as well as fitting a new engine, and Abrams running gear and tracks. The end result looked very like an M1A1 and also possessed most of its capabilities. The Israelis were also offering a similar upgrade, called the Sabra. [NOTE 1]

If the Turks were to choose to upgrade their M60 fleet using the 120S, then the American government could look at making it less financially painful for them than the Sabra. The Turks also entered talks with Krauss-Maffei about the possibility of either license production of the Leopard 2, or the assembly of knockdown kits, and with regard to upgrading the Leopard 1 fleet with a 120mm gun.

As might be imagined, the Israelis were not exactly happy that the Americans had prevented a sale that they believed was a sure thing, especially since Turkey an Israel had a close military relationship with each other. However, the Israelis did win contracts to upgrade the Turks’ F-4 Phantom and F-5 fleets. Israel would also continue to be the first port of call when Turkey was looking for new missiles and Unmanned Air Vehicles.

On the other side of the Aegean, it was a similar story. The Greek army was equipped with a mixture of Leopard 1s, AMX-30s and ageing M48A5s. All were still reasonable enough tanks but would not stand up to the latest Soviet armour. The Greeks too were interested in the Leopard 2 and sought to purchase some via the Spanish production line, as the Germans had little spare capacity at the time. By the beginning of 1999 small numbers of Leopard 2A4s had arrived in Greece to allow the army to begin training.

The Greeks also scented an opportunity to get others to help fund an upgrade of their military. The Greek air force was very keen on procuring the advanced Eurofighter Typhoon, but with the upcoming Athens Olympics, the Greek government felt that it could not afford both. Obviously, they could not be expected to cut back on the Olympics, so would their fellow NATO allies be able to help? After some discussion NATO reluctantly agreed to make some funds available to facilitate the purchase of the Typhoon.

By now the rest of NATO was beginning to get the feeling that the Greeks and Turks were fitting them up, but a secure southeast flank was probably worth the money.

At this point nature took a hand and the final pieces fell into place.


Earthquake diplomacy – Mother Nature’s contribution.
At 3.02 AM, 17th August 1999 Turkey experienced a massive earthquake, measuring 7.4 on the Richter scale. The city of Izmit was the most seriously damaged, though damage and deaths occurred throughout this, the most industrialised part of Turkey. Official figures put the death total at 17,000, though it is believed that the actual total may be in the region of 35,000, while 300,000 were left homeless. The financial estimate of the earthquake was estimated at over 3 billion dollars. [NOTE 2]
Perhaps surprisingly Greece was the first nation of offer support and humanitarian aid. The same day the Greek government sent a rescue team to Turkey to help with recovery operations, and within days blood drives were being organised all across Greece and both the government and ordinary Greeks were sending further humanitarian aid and medical personnel.

Greek help at what was a very difficult time was given a great deal of publicity across Turkey. Headlines such as “Friendship Time”, “Friendly Hands in Black Days” and “A Great Support Organization - Five Greek Municipalities say there is no flag or ideology in humanitarian aid” were seen in Turkish newspapers; words such as “neighbour” and “true friend” appeared in headlines and news stories.
Officials in both countries used the emotional reactions in both countries to good effect, trying to overcome one of the last obstacles to better relations – public opinion.

Less than a month after the Turkish disaster, Greece also experienced a powerful earthquake. At 2:56PM, 7th September 1999 Athens was rocked by a magnitude 5.9 earthquake, killing 143 and injuring 12,000. The Athens earthquake was the worst natural disaster to hit Greece in twenty years.
This time Turkey was first to provide humanitarian aid, the first twenty-man rescue team arriving in Greece within 13 hours of the quake, more arriving within hours. Moreover, like the Greek public reaction ordinary Turks jammed the switchboards of the Greek embassy and consulates to find out if they could donate blood, one Turk reportedly even offered his kidney to a “Greek in need.”

While it may be somewhat distasteful to say so, the twin earthquakes were probably the best things to happen to Greco-Turkish relations in the entire Twentieth Century. Almost overnight must of the distrust and hatred between Greeks and Turks evaporated; both countries would never be best of friends, but they did become good neighbours.

As part of the new relationship Greece would become the greatest supporter of Turkish entry to the European Union, despite the doubts of many of the other members. The Greek government was very keen to point out that if both Greece and Turkey were EU members a great deal of heat might be taken out of the Aegean dispute, as it would all be EU territory.
Greek pressure would be successful and Turkey, along with Cyprus and Malta would join the EU on 1st May 2004.


The relationship is cemented.
With public support for closer relations the Turkish and Greek governments moved forward with plans to increase military co-operation. For the first time a direct link was established between the headquarters of both air forces to prevent misunderstandings, which had in the recent past, led to mid-air collisions between Greek and Turkish fighter aircraft.

The command structure of AFSOUTHEAST still rankled both Greece and Turkey. In effect their defence in wartime would be controlled by outsiders. Strong diplomatic pressure from both Ankara and Athens ensured that a Greek and Turkish deputy was appointed to HQAFSOUTHEAST, and in January 2005 it was agreed that when the current incumbent finished his time as COMAFSOUTHEAST, a Greek officer, with a Turkish deputy would take over, to be followed by a Turk with a Greek deputy.

At the same time the respective defence ministries took a step to make war between Turkey and Greece almost impossible. Both armies had a desire to procure the Leopard 2 tank yet had only so far been able to procure small numbers of the tank and both were looking to upgrade their Leopard 1 fleet.
After much negotiation between the Greek, Turkish and West German governments an agreement was reached for joint license production of the Leopard 2 between Greece and Turkey. While as part of the agreement there would be two parallel assembly lines in both countries some components would only be made in one country. It was hoped that this would make any future conflict between the two difficult, if not impossible, as both sides would rapidly run out of supplies that only the other made. The Leopard 1 upgrade programme was also shared between both countries, contributing to commonality and reduction of overall costs.

Between 2000 and 2005 Turkey and Greece increased their participation in NATO exercises and established a series of bilateral exercises and exchanges between their respective militaries. Both countries made sure that they worked out joint procedures and made sure that they were aware of each other’s doctrine and tactics.


Conclusion.
If in 1990 someone had suggested that Greece and Turkey would be anything other than sworn enemies would at best be regarded as dangerously optimistic, at worst be regarded as a fool. However, by 2005 Turkey and Greece regarded each other as good neighbours and valuable military ally. The relationship would never especially warm, there was too much history between both countries for that, but a strong measure of mutual respect had developed between them. There was also a feeling that the threat from the Soviet Union was far greater than any disagreement that they might have, and that they were certainly not worth going to war over.

When war did come in April 2005 the Greek and Turkish armies lined up alongside each other in Thrace to face the threat from the north, and ships of their respective navies operated together. Perhaps the greatest indicator of the new relationship was the fact that the Turkish air force operated over Greece in support of NATO troops, while the Greek air force did likewise over Turkey.

Even after the war Turkey and Greece would continue to have disagreements, but the shared experience of war meant that they were the kind of normal disagreements between neighbours. The vitriol and hatred of previous disputes was gone, from now on both nations would pledge to talk to each other rather than consider any kind of military force.

Future historians would write that the victims of the twin earthquakes, and those that had died in the Third World War had helped to bond two former enemies to each other.

***


1) The 120S has not yet been adopted by any army, the Turkish Army having chosen the Israeli Sabra II in @ instead. In TLW it would enter Turkish service as the M60T.

2) Wikipedia has a reasonable summary of events, which can be found here.

[jemhouston]

Good one

[Wolfman]

Good to see this reposted.